Kiwibank continues to prove itself a winner

Ownership of Kiwibank is paying off in a big way, both for the people of New Zealand and for the government as its shareholder, Wigram’s Progressive MP Jim Anderton says.
 
“Combining its profit and its tax paid, Kiwibank is generating almost enough income for the government in one year to equal the $80 million it cost to set up.”
 
Kiwibank today declared an after-tax profit of $25.8 million for the last six months of last year. It also paid tax of $12 million.
 
“Kiwibank’s deposits are soaring because New Zealanders can see it offers a better deal than they would have if we didn’t have our own bank. Kiwibank has an AA- credit rating.
 
“And Kiwibank’s lending is soaring too, because it can offer lower interest rates.
 
“It’s great that we have our own bank performing so well at a time of international financial crisis. We don’t have to be dependent on overseas financial markets. Those markets right now look like the dog that critics claimed that Kiwibank would be.
 
“Kiwibank is, after only six years of operating, worth more than NZ Post. Its profitability is steadily rising. Kiwibank is continuing to prove itself a winner.”
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Why is National guaranteeing FAI Finance?

A taxpayer guarantee for a finance company owned by Hanover has Wigram’s Progressive MP Jim Anderton puzzled. The government has given a Crown guarantee to FAI Finance - wholly owned by Hanover and, through a network of companies, by Mark Hotchin and Eric Watson.

“The absolutely top policy guidelines specified by Treasury for considering a Crown guarantee are
‘the maintenance of public confidence in New Zealand’s financial system; and maintaining the confidence of general public depositors in New Zealand financial institutions.’ It is not clear how a guarantee for Hanover companies fits that guideline,” Jim Anderton said.

The Treasury says factors that should be taken into account in giving a guarantee include  the size of the entity and related party exposure, the business practice of the entity, the ‘good character’ and business acumen of the entity and “The track record of the entity.”

Last year Hanover froze over half a billion of investors money and investors approved a recovery plan in December.

In June last year, the latest date recorded in its prospectus issued this month, FAI had assets in loans worth a total of $28,582,000, at an average interest rate of 21.63%.
This sum included $15,119,000 due in 2-5 years. Investors had $18,542,000 in FAI at an average interest rate of 9.9%. Among those entitled to their money back, $6,468,000 was on call, $7,514,000 due in 6-12 months, and $382,000 due in more than two years.

The Crown receives a fee for the guarantee, which could be worth as little as $28,000 a year.

Jim Anderton said a Crown guarantee to Hanover is a strange response to the financial crisis. 

“The point of the guarantee is to prevent the entire deposit base of New Zealand fleeing. But there is still room for non-guaranteed businesses that should be able to charge an interest rate reflecting their risk. Hanover is the sort of company that the market can make its own decisions about.

“Mr Hotchin and Mr Watson appear to be affluent men and it is hard to see why they shouldn’t give the guarantee from their own resources instead of those of the Crown.”
 
Who owns FAI Finance?
Companies Office records, 24 February 2009
 
FAI Finance 
Directors:       Mark Hotchin
Greg Muir
Shares: 15,766,588 - all held by 
Hanover Finance
 
Hanover Finance
Directors:       Mark Hotchin
Greg Muir
Shares: 71,651-596
  1. 37,835,596 held by Hanover Financial Services
  1. 33,815,000 held by Hanover Capital
 
Hanover Capital
Directors:       Mark Hotchin
Greg Muir
Shares: 5,000,000 all owned by
Hanover Financial Services
 
Hanover Financial Services
Directors:       Mark Hotchin
Greg Muir
Shares: 13,303,620 all owned by
Hanover Group.
 
Hanover Group
Directors:       Mark Flay
Mark Hotchin
Greg Muir
Eric Watson
Shares: 207,327,000 all owned by
Hanover Group Holdings
 
Hanover Group Holdings
Directors:       Mark Flay
Mark Hotchin
Eric Watson
Shares: 87,871,057
Of these:
  1. 77,279,174 owned by Hotchin Investments.
  2. 10,591,883 owned by Forefront Investments.
 
Hotchin Investments
Directors:       Mark Hotchin
Dwayne McGorman
Shares: 39,500,000 all owned by
Hotchin Trustee Ltd
 
Hotchin Trustee Ltd
Directors: John Radley
Tony Thomas
Shares: 1000, all owned by the directors (= trustees).
 
Forefront Investments
Directors:       Leslie Archer
Mark Flay
Eric Watson
Shares: 596,933;
Of these:
  1. 5000 owned by Eric Watson
  2. 591,933 owned by Peak NZ
 
Peak NZ
Directors:       Bruce Armitage
Don Stanway
Eric Watson
Shares: 100, all owned by
Foreshore Investments
 
Foreshore Investments
Directors:       Leslie Archer
Mark Flay
Shares: 100, all owned by
Cire Trust
 
Cire Trust
Directors:       Mark Flay
Eric Watson
Shares: 100, all owned by Eric Watson.
 
 
 
FAI’s loans/deposits
FAI Prospectus 7, registered 9 February 2009.
 
At 20 June 2008, FAI had assets in loans worth a total of $28,582,000, at an average interest rate of 21.63%. 
 
This sum included $15,119,000 due in 2-5 years.
 
At the same date it had deposit liabilities (i.e. Money that investors have invested in FAI securities) 0f $18,542,000, at an average interest rate of 9.9%.
 
This included 6,468,000 on call, $7,514,000 due in 6-12 months, and $382,000 due in more than two years.
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Piggies raid bank

John Key’s failure to give an assurance about the Superannuation Fund means he cannot honour his pre-election promise not to change superannuation, Wigram’s Progressive MP Jim Anderton says.

“Raiding the piggy bank today means there is less in the piggy bank when it is needed. 

“If the Super Fund is reduced in any way, then our future ability to pay for superannuation at existing levels is reduced. If it is cut then significantly higher taxes in future than we would otherwise have are inevitable, or alternatively reduced levels of superannuation in the future will be the certain result.

“There is no easy option. National makes pledges about super today, but that is meaningless because they are setting up super to be cut in the future. Future superannuation will not be paid for out of thin air. Whatever is taken out of the Fund today by way of ‘freezes’ or ‘reduced contributions’ is money not available to pay for super in the future.

“Cut the fund today, and the payout will be cut in future.

“National was repeatedly challenged to come clean on this before the election and it repeatedly gave an undertaking that superannuation would be unchanged.

"I specifically warned that National would use ‘changed circumstances’ as an excuse - but circumstances always change. Once again, just like it did last time in government, National is breaking its promise and finding a creative new way to break its promise not to cut super.”
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Sentencing Bill won’t reduce crime.

The promise to significantly reduce violent crime won’t be kept, because the Sentencing and Parole Reform Bill introduced to parliament today won’t make the difference promised, Wigram MP Jim Anderton says.
 
He told Parliament the Government would be accountable if there were more violent killings after Government Ministers announced ‘Under this Bill there will be no more William Bells.’
 
“Ministers responsible for this Bill know it will not deliver the results they have promised,” Jim Anderton said.
 
The Bill’s Explanatory Note says any impact on prison numbers from this Bill “will not be felt for at least 10 years.” When the government announced it was getting tough with criminals it didn’t say that ‘getting tough’ meant doing nothing for ten years and a total of 70 extra prison beds after twenty years.
 
“New Zealand has a serious problem with violent crime. A recent survey showed only 43% of New Zealanders feel completely satisfied about their security and safety in their own home. New Zealanders are sick of crime and want to see criminals punished. That’s why when my colleague Matt Robson was corrections minister he started building more prisons than any corrections minister in history. So I support putting violent offenders away and my party helped put the prisons in place to do it.
 
“But this Bill does nothing to reduce violence. It doesn’t lock anyone up until they have already committed a serious violent offence. It doesn’t prevent crime.
 
“If you want to reduce crime, the solutions are much more complex. It starts with reducing at risk behaviour, it continues to getting tough with young hoons on their way to a life of crime. And it includes addressing the major risk factors in prisons, like alcohol and illiteracy - because when over 90 per cent of criminals have an alcohol or drug problem, then you aren’t going to rehabilitate them and turn them away from a life of crime unless you fix those.
 
“We owe it to New Zealanders to get tough on crime.  This bill does not. This Bill will lead to perverse results. This Bill will not deliver National’s promise to significantly reduce crime.”
 
 
 
Background: Alternatives to the Sentencing Bill
 
International evidence shows that changing the rate of imprisonment doesn't affect the crime rate. For example, Finland cut the number of crimes punishable by imprisonment. The prison population fell. The crime rate didn't change. Some states of the US went the other way and put offenders away for much longer terms. The prison population began growing enormously. The crime rate didn't change.
 
The point is that the likelihood of going to prison doesn't seem to affect whether or not offenders go out and commit crimes. So if we want to reduce crime, then there must be something else we can do to keep the public safe.
 
Young people who are at risk of becoming serious adult offenders are recognisable with increasing certainty as newborns, as school entrants, as young offenders and as early adult offenders.
 
Each of the main risk factors increases the probability of anti-social behaviour by four to ten times. The key risk factors are where the mother is:
-          Young;
-          Has little education;
-          Is from a disadvantaged family where she received little care or attention;
-          Is substance dependent;
-          Is socially isolated; and
-          Has a number of male partners.
This background doesn't condemn a child to adult offending. But it increases the risk. If all of these factors appear together, the risk increases many hundreds of times.
 
So the first step is to reduce the number of highest risk births.
We can do that by working with young women who fit the profile and who are in the social welfare and justice systems.
 
They need sexual health services - teaching them about contraception and avoiding exploitation. Teaching young women about the advantages of delaying child bearing until they are settled, mature and suitable support is available. The cost for each intervention is as little as about $500. The benefit to cost ratio has been assessed as fifty to one.
 
We need to back that up with more support for high-risk new mothers.
Family Start programmes are a good example of the sort of assistance that can be provided. Each intervention costs about $3000. The benefit to cost ratio is assessed at twenty-five to one.
 
And then we can move to children as they enter school.
Teachers have long been able to identify many of the school entrants that they believe will end up as adult offenders. For example an intervention for a five year old who is aggressive and defiant is estimated to cost about $5000-$10,000 per case with a success rate of 70%. The same behaviour at the age of 25 years costs $30-40,000 and has a success rate of only 20%.
Earliest possible intervention works best and costs less.
 
Children who are at risk of progressing to serious adult offending get easier to identify between the ages of ten and fifteen.
That is when they begin their offending career. The single most powerful indicator of a trajectory to serious adult offending is early repeat offending as a child.
 
The obvious risk factors include failure at school, substance abuse, deviant friends and a family that has problems - poor supervision, criminal parents and child abuse.
 
The remedies that work are fairly simple:
-          Re-entry to school, with some incentive for doing well;
-          Better parenting
-          A complete ban on alcohol and drug use
-          New social activities and friends.
 
Working with these kids to prevent them moving on to serious adult offending would mean intervention with about two thousand kids a year, at a cost of about $7-15,000 each.
 
If one in four of them moves on to a lifetime of offending without the intervention, and one in three interventions actually work, then the benefit-cost ratio is about 36-1. 
 
We want to increase use of Day Reporting Centres.
They give the kids job skills and life skills; and help to place them in jobs;
 
More than half of the teenagers who enter the adult justice system are re-convicted within one year of ending their sentence. About 80 or 90% are re-convicted within five years.
 
Dangerous teenage offenders who commit violent and sexual offences would still go to prison. For the others an offence will still result in the appropriate penalty.
 
Attendance at Day Reporting Centres would be compulsory five days a week for six months, and might be accompanied by night curfews and electronic monitoring. The units cost about $10-20,000 per offender to run, with a benefit to cost return of 37-1.
 
Corrections Department research indicates the measures in this package could eventually reduce imprisonable offending by around 17% a year.
 
The earlier you intervene, the more effective the result, but the harder it is to work out where the intervention is needed. The preventive measures we support are not quick fixes, but they are effective. They will take enormous co-ordination across a number of government agencies - Corrections, health, CYFS, education and others.
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Sentencing and Parole Bill

Jim Anderton’s Speech to Parliament on the Sentencing and Parole Bill.

I have always believed that one of the most important things we can do in this House is to bear witness to the truth - to stand up and tell the truth about what we know to be true, despite the consequences.
 
What I know about this Bill, is that it is bound to play well as a popular measure, but that it is a fraud.
It will not deliver on the promises that have been made for it.
 
I believe the ministers responsible for this Bill know it will not deliver the results they have promised.
 
I believe they are pushing it through knowing it will not end violent crime, as they promised; knowing it will not make a significant difference as they promised.
 
The government has promised this Bill will ensure "there will be no more Williams Bells.”
 
That was the statement Rodney Hide made in his press release. Here is word for word what he said: “Under this Bill there will be no more William Bells.”
 
That statement is fraudulent. There will be more violent men who kill after this Bill has been passed. There will be lots more.
 
The promise the minister made in his press release will come back to haunt him and he will regret it.
 
The evidence this Bill won’t work is spelt out in the Explanatory Note to the Bill.
 
The Bill says any impact on prison numbers from this Bill “will not be felt for at least 10 years.” I didn’t read that in the Ministers’ press release.  I didn’t read in the minister’s statement that ten years after this Bill is passed, not one single extra person will be locked up.
 
I read that they were going to “get tough” with violent criminals. That’s what John Key promised.
 
He didn’t say that getting tough meant waiting ten years before one single person was locked up.
 
I did read John Key saying “New Zealanders are sick of waiting for promises on law and order to be delivered." 
 
Well they’ll be waiting a long time for this one to be delivered.
 
I read John Key saying the last government took nine years to deliver - so he’s going one better and waiting ten!
 
After 20 years, the Bill says, an extra 70 prison beds will be needed.
 
So let’s add that up - the government says this Bill will end violent crime.
 
And it says it will end violent crime by locking up a total of seventy people between ten and twenty years from now. That’s about seven people a year.
 
That’s what National thinks is the extent of the violent crime problem in this country - seven violent crimes a year. It’s a nonsense.
 
This government has vastly oversold its ability to make a difference.
 
I remember in 1990 National got elected by saying it was going to end violent crime back then, too.
 
I remember John Banks saying he was going to get tough and put an end to murder and violence and pillage.
 
And one month later this country witnessed the tragedy of Aramoana. That was the worst mass killing in our history.
 
It turned out then that violent crime is a lot more complex than the cheap headlines National wants to get.
 
It will turn out the same this time. I know that. National knows that.
 
This country has a serious problem with violent crime.
 
I saw research this week that showed only 43% of New Zealanders feel completely satisfied about their own security and safety in their own home.
 
And therefore we owe it to New Zealanders to do something real about about violence.
 
But this Bill does nothing to reduce violence. 
 
You don’t get locked up until the violent crime has already been committed.
 
This government is soft on crime because it won’t do anything to stop the crimes being committed in the first place.
 
The members opposite say they will reduce crime by locking up the most serious violent offenders.
 
But you don’t lock them up until they have already committed a serious violent offence.
 
It doesn’t lock them up before they commit it.
 
So what this Bill is really about is not reducing crime at all. It is about revenge. It is about denouncing criminals.
 
Now I actually agree there is a place for denuncuation in criminal sentencing.That’s why when my colleague Matt Robson was corrections minister he started building more prisons than any corrections minister in history.
 
So I support putting violent offenders away and my party helped to put the prisons in place to do it.
 
But you ought to be frank about what you are doing.
 
If the object of a Bill is to denounce crime, then say that - don’t come in here pretending that the Bill is going to reduce violent crime. This Bill isn’t, you know it isn’t, and that makes the very basis of this Bill a fraud, and it insults this House.
 
It insults the intelligence of members.
 
The object of this Bill is to pretend the government is getting tough.
 
If I’m generous I would say the object of this Bill might be to punish offenders more.
 
But I do not believe the object of this Bill is to reduce offending.
 
I actually put out a widely ignored and very detailed plan for reducing crime before the last election.
 
We went through every measure that expert research and expert policy shows makes a long term difference over time.
 
It starts with reducing at risk behaviour, it continues to getting tough with young hoons on their way to a life of crime. And it includes addressing the major risk factors in prisons, like alcohol and illiteracy.
 
Because when over 90 per cent of criminals have an alcohol or drug problem, then you aren’t going to rehabilitate them and turn them away from a life of crime unless you fix those.
 
And for all of those proven and efficient policies, the best estimate of the difference it would make was this - in the long run, it would reduce crime by about 17 per cent. That is about the most you can promise.
 
It is a long way short of what the government has promised for this Bill. They promised an end to violent crime - and now they are accountable.
 
We have heard a lot of songs about accountability from the government.
 
Now they are accountable for their promise to make a significant reduction in violent crime.
 
They are accountable for their promise their will be no more William Bells. God help them if there is one more after this.
 
So if it won’t make much difference to crime, what difference will this Bill make?
 
We happen to know the answer, because other countries have tried the three strikes and you are out approach.
 
It always results in huge anomalies. It always results in greater injustices. When you take away sentencing discretion, you get bad sentencing.
 
Let me give you one example: Imagine a woman who living with a violent thug with a record, and getting the bash.
 
What are the chances that she will now be even less likely to leave? What are the chances she will be much less likely to report a man when she knows it would mean that he would be locked up for life.
 
Those are decisions victims make all the time - and the truth is this Bill will ensure some women in exactly that position suffer grievously because of the horrifying dilemmas it will create. What is compassionate about that?
 
We owe it to New Zealanders to get tough on crime.  This bill does not.
 
This Bill pretends to get tough.
 
This Bill will lead to perverse results.
 
This Bill will not deliver National’s promise to significantly reduce crime.
 
And I cannot support its vile cynicism.
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National asked to support vulnerable Christchurch tenants

There could be help for Christchurch tenants fighting Council-imposed rent increases if National picks up a proposal for government assistance that was prepared for the previous Labour-Progressive Government, Wigram MP Jim Anderton says. 

Tenants have successfully opposed the rent increase in court, but the Christchurch city’s incumbent right-wing majority has now signalled it could again try to substantially increase rents or even abandon social housing altogether - leaving two and a half thousand vulnerable tenants with nowhere to live unless central government steps in.
 
Jim Anderton says the government should step in to help because it would have to pick up some of the costs of a rent increase anyway, including through increased Accommodation Supplement payments.
 
He today released a business case he sent to the previous finance minister Michael Cullen on behalf of Labour and Progressive Christchurch MPs after a thorough review of the Council’s plan to raise rents to help pay for refurbishment of the Council’s social housing.
 
The business case was sent by Jim Anderton and Labour MPs Ruth Dyson, Lianne Dalziel, Clayton Cosgrove and Tim Barnett. It sought a net government investment of $29 million over ten years. It would have reduced the rent increase from 24 per cent to ten per cent and allowed for the replacement of over three hundred homes and a continuous refurbishment programme.
 
He also released Treasury advice on the report that says it should be considered as part of Budget 2009. The Treasury response says there is no evidence that the Christchurch City Council ever approached the government itself to ask for the necessary funds.
 
Jim Anderton says the Council’s behaviour has created a huge problem, and it’s now up to the National government to help tenants out.
 
“Council never approached the government before it announced the rent increase. Its threats to abandon social housing are very worrying for some of the city’s most vulnerable residents.
 
“The net cost to the government of stepping in to help is not unreasonable if it is looked at in the context of a twenty year programme of investment to help very vulnerable people. Over that period, the net cost to the government of $29 million averages around $1.5 million per year.
 
“The National government has indicated it wants to shoulder some of the costs to local body ratepayers of providing social services, and it has also indicated a willingness to see housing expanded as a response to the global financial crisis. One obvious solution is to assist the council directly to make this investment.
 
“I hope Gerry Brownlee, as the senior Christchurch government MP, will take over the role of advocating within his government for vulnerable Christchurch city tenants, and I have sent the file on the work done so far to him,” Jim Anderton said.
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Comment on agriculture - February 2009

One of the first effects has been to reduce the value of our dollar. Eventually that will increase New Zealand dollar incomes, but in the short term it pushes up the cost of fuel. Imports of capital equipment cost more. The lower dollar provides some relief – especially in some of our most squeezed industries – but over the long haul a lower currency is no basis to build genuine long term prosperity.

At the same time that the dollar has been falling, commodity prices have also fallen. Consumers everywhere are closing their wallets. Businesses are reducing inventory and holding back from introducing new product lines. So the prices we can achieve for some of our staple exports are falling. I’m confident about our primary exports in the long haul, but in the near future, times will still be tough.

Panicked politicians and activists in some areas are becoming more protectionist. Even the celebrity cook, Jamie Oliver, is calling on British consumers to boycott meat that isn’t “local”.

For producers like farmers and other agri-businesses, credit is tightening. Though interest rates are coming down, banks and other lenders are much more conservative. (Some of them needed to be.) I’ve read of businesses finding it hard to get letters of credit. Who is interested in letters of credit from banks that might be gone by the time products are landed on foreign wharves? So producers are faced with the grim risk of putting their goods on ships with no guarantee they will be paid.

We can’t change the world economy but we can support our own businesses to position themselves during this downturn and to emerge even stronger when world economic growth turns up again. For example, more government investment in research and development at this time would ensure we don’t lose ground when farmers themselves are under pressure over costs. The two billion dollar New Zealand Fast Forward fund to invest in the future of our primary industries would have helped strengthen the economy. But the National government has made a priority out of scrapping it.

When the National Government unveiled a business tax package recently, I looked closely to see what would be there for our farmers and to invest in the future. Unfortunately, against a backdrop of global cataclysm, there wasn’t much. For example, there was a small rule change to make Disputes Tribunal claims easier, but I wonder how many farms that is going to make a difference to.

The $120 million a year of new spending in the package gives back less than a third of the increased tax on innovation that the National Government introduced under urgency just before Christmas, when they cancelled the Labour-Progressive government’s tax rebate for spending on research and development.

Words like ‘farm’, agriculture’ or even ‘exports’ weren’t mentioned in the business tax package. Our primary industries make up two thirds of our export earnings, and they didn’t get anything in the business tax package. When John Key wrote the Speech from the Throne, agriculture didn’t get a mention then, either. I wonder if the money market dealers running the National Government even realise that farms are businesses.

If we are going to weather the global economic crisis we need to strengthen our agricultural sector.

Small policies that tinker round the edge won’t do it.
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Gangs and Organised Crime Bill

Jim Anderton's speech to Parliament on the Gangs and Organised Crime Bill
 

If I could sum up this Bill with one sentence, it would be that the government has wildly raised expectations about dealing to violent crime in New Zealand.
 
The Opposition will support this Bill, but it is not the silver bullet National promised. 
 
It will not significantly reduce violent crime in New Zealand as National has promised.
 
It will not make the huge dent in crime that National promised New Zealanders. The previous government was already promoting this legislation and we would have passed something similar - but we would not pretend as National does that this is all you need to do.
 
I have no trouble declaring that the major factors in crime should be on the wrong end of tough law.
 
Gangs are a cause of crime, so we should be tough with them.
 
And we should be tough on all the causes.
 
There is one factor linked to crime that this government won’t even talk about.
 
There is one factor linked to sixty per cent of all people arrested. 
 
What is that factor? Can the government members tell us? Can the government even say the word that is common to the majority of all crime in New Zealand?
 
It isn’t gangs and it isn’t P.
 
Both of those are serious threats and need to be dealt with. And if you are serious about them, you should logically be much more serious about a much more common cause of crime.
 
What is that common factor? It’s alcohol.
 
Sixty percent of everyone arrested is under the influence of alcohol at the time they commit the offence for which they are arrested.
 
Sixty percent. No other factor comes close.
 
So, because this government won’t even mention that alcohol is involved in most crime, it won’t do anything about sixty percent of all offending.
 
If you pass this Bill before you have dealt with the low hanging fruit, before you have dealt with the biggest factor in crime of all - then you are not serious about crime. You are joking and your raised expectations will ultimately disappoint and be held up to ridicule.
 
The National Government made a big issue out of crime in Opposition.
 
I am not going to quickly forget their pledges to seriously reduce the rate of violent crime.
 
They promised they would get elected and put an immediate end to the kind of violent crime that terrorised shop keepers in South Auckland.
 
Remember those shopkeepers? Remember the Indian community terrorised by attacks in those neighbourhoods?
 
How much neighbourhood crime is linked to the sudden proliferation of liquor outlets? How much is linked to the low drinking age that lets teenagers buy as much alcohol as they want on nearly every corner?
 
Will this Bill tackle that? No. Alcohol abuse is not even mentioned in it.
 
The government made the promises. The Government promised to significantly reduce violent crime.
 
Having raised expectations, this government is now accountable if it doesn’t deliver.
 
The government should not be culpable for violent crime. But the Government made it that way.
 
The government promised the New Zealand public it could make a difference.
 
Here is item number four on National’s Blueprint for change in August last year:
 
“National knows New Zealanders are sick of worrying about the surging levels of violent crime in this country. We are not going to put up with it.  So National will launch a full-frontal attack on gangs and the "P" trade they support.”
 
Ok, so they are passing the law they said they would. Good on them - but now the acid is on Simon Power. The acid is on John Key: This is National’s full frontal attack on gangs and the P trade, and if it doesn’t deal effectively to the surging levels of crime National knows New Zealanders are sick of - then National is accountable.
 
Mr Key said it over and over again. He said it on stages, and he said it in tv debates - he said the major problem is gangs, because gangs make P, and P is the major cause of crime. So he said, when this government took office, it would pass this Bill, and violent crime would be significantly reduced.
 
I hope he’s right.
 
I hope this Bill really does make a huge difference, and that is why I’m voting for it, and it’s why the Opposition is voting for it.
 
We absolutely want this Bill to be successful.
 
But actually, I am not naive enough to make the promise Mr Key made, and National candidates made up and down the country - that they would significantly reduce crime.
 
Here is what Mr Key said in his speech on 29 January last year:
 
“Violent youth crime is at an all-time high.  Robbery is up. Grievous assaults are up.  Aggravated robbery is up. Young criminals are graduating from petty crime to more serious crime; unexploded time-bombs on a fast-track to Paremoremo.”
 
So is this Bill going to make a major difference to that?
 
I hope so. But don’t hold your breath. Mr Key wildly overpromised and now National is under-delivering.
 
Can I ask the government members here in the chamber - will violent crime be significantly reduced as of the date of the passing of this Bill?
 
Will that be virtually the end of it in the headlines?
 
Are they confident now they have fixed crime? 
 
Or do they still want to tell New Zealanders they will significantly reduce violent crime as they promised. I wish they would. I wish this Bill had that effect. 
 
But every violent crime from now on shows the failure of the key promise of this government - that they could stamp out violent crime by targetting gangs -- raised expectations far beyond what they can deliver and thus failed the communities they have promised to protect.
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Minimum Wage Should Rise

Progressive MP Jim Anderton is supporting calls for an increase in the minimum wage when the national government discusses the issue next Monday.

He says protecting the vulnerable is the highest priority for managing the global economic recession.

“The government will need to be reassured that increasing the minimum wage won’t cost jobs. And experience of the last nine years shows just that. Unemployment fell to record lows while the minimum wage was steadily increased by over 70% in nine years.

“Increasing the buying power of the lowest income workers makes sense because they are more likely than anyone to spend their income, keeping the money in circulation and boosting the whole economy at a time when it is needed.

“The employer groups calling for a cut in the minimum wage need to look at the Great Depression. The accumulated effect of everyone cutting back was to drive the economy into a deeper hole.

“The government is likely to make some changes to business tax, and depending on the design that could well be helpful. But it would send the wrong message to cut the minimum wage in real terms at the same time,” Jim Anderton said.
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Nothing for agriculture, bag of peanuts to replace National’s largest ever increase in business tax.

Business tax measures announced today are worth only a fraction of the increase in business tax the National Government introduced before Christmas, Progressive leader Jim Anderton says.

And the changes, worth just $10.50 a week to a small business, again ignore agriculture when New Zealand’s main source of overseas income faces testing times.

“The first thing National did in office was to introduce the largest increase in tax paid by business in New Zealand’s history. It introduced a new tax on innovation, at a cost to our most promising industries of over a billion dollars in just three years. The peanut-sized tax policies announced today are worth less than half that.

“Across 220,000 small businesses, $480 million over four years is worth only $10.50 a week. That’s a big bag of peanuts.

“It is a quarter of the two billion dollars that would have been invested in our primary industries through the New Zealand Fast Forward fund if National had not jeopardised our economic future by axing it.

“There is nothing for agriculture in this package. Agriculture earns two thirds of New Zealand’s income overseas, and if we are going to weather the global economic crisis we need to strengthen our agricultural sector. The National Government didn’t mention agriculture in the Speech From the Throne and didn’t get a mention from the Prime Minister today. This is a government made up of money market dealers, not people who understand productive businesses that power the real economy.

“If John Key hadn’t spent his first months in office on holiday, he would have had the strength to reverse his failed tax on innovation. The measures announced today are useful, but nowhere near enough to deliver the strength and innovation our economy needs.”
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Authorised by Phil Clearwater, 5 Sherwood Lane, Christchurch on behalf of Jim Anderton's Progressive Party Contact Us