Changing ACC policy by stealth
29/03/10 08:01
Column by Jim Anderton, MP for Wigram and Progressive Party leader
Published in the Press, 29 March 2010
Imagine your insurance company decides to change the coverage of your home contents insurance without telling you. You’ve paid your premiums for years but when you come to make a claim after a burglary, they turn you down. Something to do with your house now having a new pre-existing vulnerability to burglars. This is news to you.
You would have grounds for taking them to court for breach of contract, and the chances are you’d win.
If ACC was a private insurance company, the New Zealand public could right now take them to court, because under the direction of this National government they are perverting the spirit and the letter of the ACC legislation by turning down injury victims just for having a ‘pre-existing condition.’
New figures just released show that the number of claims sent to formal review by ACC because of ‘pre-existing conditions’ has doubled since National came to power.
Minister for ACC Nick Smith and the CEO of ACC Dr Jan White say they are just ‘sticking more closely to the legislation.’
But according to some of the best surgeons and specialists in the country, many of these ‘pre-existing conditions’ have nothing to do with the cause of the injury. And if the ‘pre-existing condition’ didn’t cause the injury, ACC has no grounds in the legislation to reject people who need help.
Here’s what the legislation says; ACC cannot cover situations caused “wholly or substantially” by pre-existing conditions or aging. Fair enough. It doesn’t say you can reject people just for having a pre-existing condition.
That is a change in policy.
I would like to know who rubber stamped this change, and under what authority they acted.
It’s ironic that President Obama has just introduced health reforms in the United States to stop insurance companies turning people away because of ‘pre-existing conditions.’ Some people were even being rejected because they had hay fever. Meanwhile New Zealand’s National Government is turning ACC into the worst kind of private insurance company.
What makes this change in policy even worse is that the government appears to be acting on a complete absence of data and information.
When I asked the Minister for ACC Nick Smith, in Parliament, how many accident victims with ‘pre-existing conditions’ have successfully overturned their ACC review in court, he said that ‘ACC does not keep this data’. He couldn’t tell me anything.
It’s ironic that when it comes to proving that ACC has gone to hell in a hand basket and has no money, suddenly the Minister does have data.
But that data is highly controversial. ACC was set up to be a pay-as-you-go fund. In other words, you pay for the injuries that happen with the levies raised in the same year. The figures that the government and ACC use to show that ACC is in financial hot water are based on paying money now for accidents that may or may not occur in the future.
That’s just silly. If fifty years ago we had put aside money to pay for all the polio and TB cases we thought we’d have to treat in the future, based on the number of cases in the 1950s, we’d feel pretty stupid now.
We can’t possibly predict what improvements will be developed in the future that may or may not reduce the number of accidents.
The truth is ACC took in $1 billion more than it spent on claims last year, and it’s investment portfolio has increased by over $2 million in the last two years. It’s hardly going down the plug hole.
ACC isn’t free - we all pay levies. We pay to have a system that isn’t one in which an insurance company tries to find ways to avoid helping its policy holders when they need it. We pay to have a no fault compensation system which covers us all, no matter what risks we have to take in our work or on the sports field, and no matter how old we are.
If this National-led government wants to destroy ACC and prepare it for privatisation, then they will overturn the spirit of fairness and decency that led Sir Owen Woodhouse to come up with an accident compensation scheme that is the envy of the world. It helps people, not the insurance companies and lawyers who want to make a quick buck. I don’t think New Zealanders will not give that up without a fight.
I certainly won’t.
Published in the Press, 29 March 2010
Imagine your insurance company decides to change the coverage of your home contents insurance without telling you. You’ve paid your premiums for years but when you come to make a claim after a burglary, they turn you down. Something to do with your house now having a new pre-existing vulnerability to burglars. This is news to you.
You would have grounds for taking them to court for breach of contract, and the chances are you’d win.
If ACC was a private insurance company, the New Zealand public could right now take them to court, because under the direction of this National government they are perverting the spirit and the letter of the ACC legislation by turning down injury victims just for having a ‘pre-existing condition.’
New figures just released show that the number of claims sent to formal review by ACC because of ‘pre-existing conditions’ has doubled since National came to power.
Minister for ACC Nick Smith and the CEO of ACC Dr Jan White say they are just ‘sticking more closely to the legislation.’
But according to some of the best surgeons and specialists in the country, many of these ‘pre-existing conditions’ have nothing to do with the cause of the injury. And if the ‘pre-existing condition’ didn’t cause the injury, ACC has no grounds in the legislation to reject people who need help.
Here’s what the legislation says; ACC cannot cover situations caused “wholly or substantially” by pre-existing conditions or aging. Fair enough. It doesn’t say you can reject people just for having a pre-existing condition.
That is a change in policy.
I would like to know who rubber stamped this change, and under what authority they acted.
It’s ironic that President Obama has just introduced health reforms in the United States to stop insurance companies turning people away because of ‘pre-existing conditions.’ Some people were even being rejected because they had hay fever. Meanwhile New Zealand’s National Government is turning ACC into the worst kind of private insurance company.
What makes this change in policy even worse is that the government appears to be acting on a complete absence of data and information.
When I asked the Minister for ACC Nick Smith, in Parliament, how many accident victims with ‘pre-existing conditions’ have successfully overturned their ACC review in court, he said that ‘ACC does not keep this data’. He couldn’t tell me anything.
It’s ironic that when it comes to proving that ACC has gone to hell in a hand basket and has no money, suddenly the Minister does have data.
But that data is highly controversial. ACC was set up to be a pay-as-you-go fund. In other words, you pay for the injuries that happen with the levies raised in the same year. The figures that the government and ACC use to show that ACC is in financial hot water are based on paying money now for accidents that may or may not occur in the future.
That’s just silly. If fifty years ago we had put aside money to pay for all the polio and TB cases we thought we’d have to treat in the future, based on the number of cases in the 1950s, we’d feel pretty stupid now.
We can’t possibly predict what improvements will be developed in the future that may or may not reduce the number of accidents.
The truth is ACC took in $1 billion more than it spent on claims last year, and it’s investment portfolio has increased by over $2 million in the last two years. It’s hardly going down the plug hole.
ACC isn’t free - we all pay levies. We pay to have a system that isn’t one in which an insurance company tries to find ways to avoid helping its policy holders when they need it. We pay to have a no fault compensation system which covers us all, no matter what risks we have to take in our work or on the sports field, and no matter how old we are.
If this National-led government wants to destroy ACC and prepare it for privatisation, then they will overturn the spirit of fairness and decency that led Sir Owen Woodhouse to come up with an accident compensation scheme that is the envy of the world. It helps people, not the insurance companies and lawyers who want to make a quick buck. I don’t think New Zealanders will not give that up without a fight.
I certainly won’t.
0 Comments
Tax matters
08/02/10 12:00
Article for Older & Bolder February 2010
The economist and writer J K Galbraith once sagely remarked that nothing is as conducive to social harmony as the screams of the rich as they pay their taxes. While he may have been exaggerating for effect, there is a kernel of truth in what he said. Whatever we may think about paying our taxes – and I have yet to meet anyone who is enthusiastic about doing so - we all like to feel that our tax system is fair and that all are paying their proper share.
A task force set up by the present National led government has just reported on our tax system and made a number of recommendations and so it is appropriate to ask the question: if those recommendations are followed will we end up with a system which is at least as fair as the one we have now. The answer to that, regrettably, is that we will not, particularly if the taxpayers in question are on modest incomes. That applies to the great majority of those aged over sixty five, over seventy five per cent of whom live on national superannuation as their sole source of income. Those who do rely solely on national superannuation will be only too aware that, thanks to the previous Labour led government, it moves with the average wage and is a percentage of it, but it is by no means a king’s ransom, and that ‘modest’ is an accurate description of it.
The reason why the changes proposed will further widen the gap between most older citizens and New Zealanders generally in the higher income brackets is because it is proposed to reduce the top income tax rate while increasing GST to 15%. There are several reasons why this will have a negative effect on low income New Zealanders.
The first is that income tax is a graduated tax. Those with high incomes pay proportionally more because they can afford to. This is part of what is regarded as fair in the egalitarian society New Zealanders are rightly proud to live in. GST on the other hand is a flat tax. A millionaire pays the same tax on the loaf of bread that they buy as a pensioner on a fixed income.
It is also important to be aware that transaction taxes such as GST are what are known as regressive taxes i.e. because the lower your income the higher the proportion of it you have to devote to the necessities of life you have to buy. The discretionary expenditure of those on lower incomes is reduced when GST goes up and so you can’t adjust the effects of the tax on your budget by buying less of something you don’t need in the way that a wealthy person can.
But most of all it is important to remember that when universal GST was introduced in the nineteen eighties, it was accompanied by a massive reduction in the top tax rate from 66% to 33%. This meant that the wealthy got a major windfall but those on the lowest incomes when this was translated down the progressive tax system got a mere five cents in the dollar relief while having to bear the brunt of the new tax. Those who complain about having to pay too much tax and demand a reduction seem to have forgotten that they have been enjoying the benefit of already having had one for the last two decades.
Ironically one of the justifications of that ‘reform’ was that it was a ‘better way’ of doing things. I didn’t agree with that at the time but there are alternative and better ways of running a tax system which were not canvassed by the current government review group. In my next column I’ll spell out what one of those might be.
The economist and writer J K Galbraith once sagely remarked that nothing is as conducive to social harmony as the screams of the rich as they pay their taxes. While he may have been exaggerating for effect, there is a kernel of truth in what he said. Whatever we may think about paying our taxes – and I have yet to meet anyone who is enthusiastic about doing so - we all like to feel that our tax system is fair and that all are paying their proper share.
A task force set up by the present National led government has just reported on our tax system and made a number of recommendations and so it is appropriate to ask the question: if those recommendations are followed will we end up with a system which is at least as fair as the one we have now. The answer to that, regrettably, is that we will not, particularly if the taxpayers in question are on modest incomes. That applies to the great majority of those aged over sixty five, over seventy five per cent of whom live on national superannuation as their sole source of income. Those who do rely solely on national superannuation will be only too aware that, thanks to the previous Labour led government, it moves with the average wage and is a percentage of it, but it is by no means a king’s ransom, and that ‘modest’ is an accurate description of it.
The reason why the changes proposed will further widen the gap between most older citizens and New Zealanders generally in the higher income brackets is because it is proposed to reduce the top income tax rate while increasing GST to 15%. There are several reasons why this will have a negative effect on low income New Zealanders.
The first is that income tax is a graduated tax. Those with high incomes pay proportionally more because they can afford to. This is part of what is regarded as fair in the egalitarian society New Zealanders are rightly proud to live in. GST on the other hand is a flat tax. A millionaire pays the same tax on the loaf of bread that they buy as a pensioner on a fixed income.
It is also important to be aware that transaction taxes such as GST are what are known as regressive taxes i.e. because the lower your income the higher the proportion of it you have to devote to the necessities of life you have to buy. The discretionary expenditure of those on lower incomes is reduced when GST goes up and so you can’t adjust the effects of the tax on your budget by buying less of something you don’t need in the way that a wealthy person can.
But most of all it is important to remember that when universal GST was introduced in the nineteen eighties, it was accompanied by a massive reduction in the top tax rate from 66% to 33%. This meant that the wealthy got a major windfall but those on the lowest incomes when this was translated down the progressive tax system got a mere five cents in the dollar relief while having to bear the brunt of the new tax. Those who complain about having to pay too much tax and demand a reduction seem to have forgotten that they have been enjoying the benefit of already having had one for the last two decades.
Ironically one of the justifications of that ‘reform’ was that it was a ‘better way’ of doing things. I didn’t agree with that at the time but there are alternative and better ways of running a tax system which were not canvassed by the current government review group. In my next column I’ll spell out what one of those might be.
‘Big four’ banks failed farmers in recession year
16/11/09 09:00
It’s official; the ‘big four’ Australian owned banks failed to pass on the Reserve Bank’s cut in interest rates (the Official Cash Rate or the OCR) and farmers, New Zealand businesses and home owners paid heavily during the worst recession this country has seen since the 1930s.
If you’re a farmer, you already know this because this has been a tough year; not only are you a farmer running your own business, but you’re likely to be a home owner too with a mortgage. You know what it felt like personally. Here’s what the numbers looked like for 2009:
The Reserve Bank cut the OCR from its high in mid 2008 of 8.25 per cent, to only 2.5 per cent today. But a one per cent margin in interest rates was not passed on by the big banks to their customers, to farmers, businesses and home owners. The banks kept it for themselves.
One per cent extra interest added $787 million in costs for New Zealand businesses; and $460 million extra to the cost of loans in the farming sector.
The biggest cost was in the housing sector: home owners paid an extra $1.6 billion in mortgage repayments thanks to the banks holding back that one per cent for themselves.
This tells us it doesn’t matter what the Reserve Bank does with interest rates; the big Australian-owned banks will do whatever they want. Changing the OCR rate to try and help businesses or home owners during hard times hasn’t worked.
All New Zealanders should be worried about that. At the moment the banks have every incentive to borrow more money from overseas so that they can keep lending to anyone wanting to invest in property. They don’t care that this will likely kick start another housing boom and increase New Zealand’s debt, and possibly lead to another recession. It’s not their job to care.
It is the job of the government to care.
I was part of the Banking Inquiry, along with my colleagues in the Labour Party and the Greens. The parliamentary parties who weren’t there should be ashamed. It’s not good enough to say ‘there’s nothing we can do’ to support those who trade with the world and are at the whim of volatile exchange rates and high interest rates at the banks.
We have to find new tools and new ways to support exporters -to support people who produce things rather than those who speculate on properties and take their money off-shore. Otherwise our overseas debt will continue to grow and our quality of life will slip while the property investors get rich.
I want to see an urgent multi-party review of monetary policy. And this time, the government must be there, along with the Reserve Bank. The National Party, Act, The Maori Party and United owe it to New Zealanders to look at the ideas that came up during the Banking Inquiry - from Federated Farmers, the Council for Trade Unions, the Manufacturers and Exporters Association and many others.
We need to look at how we can remove incentives to invest in property, and instead encourage banks to lend to businesses. This could mean a review of our tax system which at the moment encourages unproductive property investment and discourages investment in the productive tradeable good export sector.
We need to look at ways of regulating the banking sector so that ordinary New Zealanders don’t pay (in interest rates or hidden bank fees) while the Australian-owned banks make a profit and take the money off-shore.
It will not be good enough for the government to stand on the side-lines next time, and say “There’s nothing we can do”. There’s always more we can do. We just need the political will to do it.
If you’re a farmer, you already know this because this has been a tough year; not only are you a farmer running your own business, but you’re likely to be a home owner too with a mortgage. You know what it felt like personally. Here’s what the numbers looked like for 2009:
The Reserve Bank cut the OCR from its high in mid 2008 of 8.25 per cent, to only 2.5 per cent today. But a one per cent margin in interest rates was not passed on by the big banks to their customers, to farmers, businesses and home owners. The banks kept it for themselves.
One per cent extra interest added $787 million in costs for New Zealand businesses; and $460 million extra to the cost of loans in the farming sector.
The biggest cost was in the housing sector: home owners paid an extra $1.6 billion in mortgage repayments thanks to the banks holding back that one per cent for themselves.
This tells us it doesn’t matter what the Reserve Bank does with interest rates; the big Australian-owned banks will do whatever they want. Changing the OCR rate to try and help businesses or home owners during hard times hasn’t worked.
All New Zealanders should be worried about that. At the moment the banks have every incentive to borrow more money from overseas so that they can keep lending to anyone wanting to invest in property. They don’t care that this will likely kick start another housing boom and increase New Zealand’s debt, and possibly lead to another recession. It’s not their job to care.
It is the job of the government to care.
I was part of the Banking Inquiry, along with my colleagues in the Labour Party and the Greens. The parliamentary parties who weren’t there should be ashamed. It’s not good enough to say ‘there’s nothing we can do’ to support those who trade with the world and are at the whim of volatile exchange rates and high interest rates at the banks.
We have to find new tools and new ways to support exporters -to support people who produce things rather than those who speculate on properties and take their money off-shore. Otherwise our overseas debt will continue to grow and our quality of life will slip while the property investors get rich.
I want to see an urgent multi-party review of monetary policy. And this time, the government must be there, along with the Reserve Bank. The National Party, Act, The Maori Party and United owe it to New Zealanders to look at the ideas that came up during the Banking Inquiry - from Federated Farmers, the Council for Trade Unions, the Manufacturers and Exporters Association and many others.
We need to look at how we can remove incentives to invest in property, and instead encourage banks to lend to businesses. This could mean a review of our tax system which at the moment encourages unproductive property investment and discourages investment in the productive tradeable good export sector.
We need to look at ways of regulating the banking sector so that ordinary New Zealanders don’t pay (in interest rates or hidden bank fees) while the Australian-owned banks make a profit and take the money off-shore.
It will not be good enough for the government to stand on the side-lines next time, and say “There’s nothing we can do”. There’s always more we can do. We just need the political will to do it.
Research and development: from Fast Forward to slow and slower...
20/10/09 09:04
Column for Canterbury Farmer
One of the strangest moments in the last election campaign was when the National party announced that it would abolish the Fast Forward Fund, and cut tax incentives for our most innovative businesses prepared to invest in research and development in agriculture.
Unfortunately the National-led government has kept that promise, and we're now facing a crisis in funding for research in the primary production sector.
Fast Forward came out of the 20/20 Summit I hosted as Minister of Agriculture at the end of 2007. A key recommendation of the gathering was to create a dedicated fund to finance research and development. The goal was to take each stage of production, from the production of the raw product on farms, to manufacturing and ultimately to markets here and overseas, and to add value at each stage.
In 2008 we announced the launch of the Fast Forward Fund with the intention of using it to catapult the New Zealand economy into the future.
We had a model where the funding was shared between government and the private sector. The Crown made a commitment to put $700 million up front into the fund which was matched by a similar amount from the private sector.
We had a joint Crown/private sector board to oversee the investment and the allocation of funds which was to have a life span of at least a decade to give certainty over a decent period of time.
The Fast Forward was placed under the management of three independent ‘Guardians’ who would invest it. Treasury and MAF estimated that the Fund plus interest would reach $2000M over a ten-year period.
The National-led Government cancelled the Fund.
The Fast Forward board had already held four meetings and was developing its overall strategy and the principles to be used to oversee the allocation to programmes and projects. Suddenly it was stopped and the initial investment from the government of $700 million plus $15 million of interest that it had earned, less the costs of getting it established, was returned.
Minister of Agriculture David Carter has replaced Fast Forward with the 'Primary Growth Partnership’ (PGP) which is apparently now 'up and running' with $30 million to spend in its first year and a total of $160M over the next three years.
Hon. Carter has yet to tell me how many research project proposals the PGP has received, nearly twelve months after Fast Forward was already working.
This is a huge opportunity lost. We are already facing a crisis in research and development. Meat & Wool New Zealand has announced it will stop any wool-related activities because of the loss of the wool levy in the recent referendum. This means there is no more money to fund the research and development of our wool based products.
The recently established Government Taskforce needs to give hope to the wool sector that there is a plan to increase the demand for our wool with a lift of prices for the producers, particularly for the coarse wool sector where research is so badly needed. Companies, like Ice Breaker using fine wool merino are already world leaders when it comes to making the most of research and development to expand their markets.
Finally, though, what the primary production sector really needs is not government taskforces; it needs money to fund research and development, and it needs the certainly of knowing that funds will not be taken away arbitrarily by politicians or government departments.
One of the strangest moments in the last election campaign was when the National party announced that it would abolish the Fast Forward Fund, and cut tax incentives for our most innovative businesses prepared to invest in research and development in agriculture.
Unfortunately the National-led government has kept that promise, and we're now facing a crisis in funding for research in the primary production sector.
Fast Forward came out of the 20/20 Summit I hosted as Minister of Agriculture at the end of 2007. A key recommendation of the gathering was to create a dedicated fund to finance research and development. The goal was to take each stage of production, from the production of the raw product on farms, to manufacturing and ultimately to markets here and overseas, and to add value at each stage.
In 2008 we announced the launch of the Fast Forward Fund with the intention of using it to catapult the New Zealand economy into the future.
We had a model where the funding was shared between government and the private sector. The Crown made a commitment to put $700 million up front into the fund which was matched by a similar amount from the private sector.
We had a joint Crown/private sector board to oversee the investment and the allocation of funds which was to have a life span of at least a decade to give certainty over a decent period of time.
The Fast Forward was placed under the management of three independent ‘Guardians’ who would invest it. Treasury and MAF estimated that the Fund plus interest would reach $2000M over a ten-year period.
The National-led Government cancelled the Fund.
The Fast Forward board had already held four meetings and was developing its overall strategy and the principles to be used to oversee the allocation to programmes and projects. Suddenly it was stopped and the initial investment from the government of $700 million plus $15 million of interest that it had earned, less the costs of getting it established, was returned.
Minister of Agriculture David Carter has replaced Fast Forward with the 'Primary Growth Partnership’ (PGP) which is apparently now 'up and running' with $30 million to spend in its first year and a total of $160M over the next three years.
Hon. Carter has yet to tell me how many research project proposals the PGP has received, nearly twelve months after Fast Forward was already working.
This is a huge opportunity lost. We are already facing a crisis in research and development. Meat & Wool New Zealand has announced it will stop any wool-related activities because of the loss of the wool levy in the recent referendum. This means there is no more money to fund the research and development of our wool based products.
The recently established Government Taskforce needs to give hope to the wool sector that there is a plan to increase the demand for our wool with a lift of prices for the producers, particularly for the coarse wool sector where research is so badly needed. Companies, like Ice Breaker using fine wool merino are already world leaders when it comes to making the most of research and development to expand their markets.
Finally, though, what the primary production sector really needs is not government taskforces; it needs money to fund research and development, and it needs the certainly of knowing that funds will not be taken away arbitrarily by politicians or government departments.
Water issues in Canterbury
20/09/09 16:39
Any farmer knows that water is one of their most valuable resources.
There is an alarming projection which shows that 3 billion people – half the world’s current population – could face a shortage of clean water by 2080 because of climate change. The amount of water needed by 2050 could be 50-90% higher than current use.
Farmers in Canterbury know about water shortage. In the seven years to 2006 there was a 49% increase in water allocated for irrigation in Canterbury. But the real issue for us in Canterbury is the storage of water. If we store it, we’ll have enough for everyone.
A great example of this is the Waimea dam in the Nelson region. I was there for the opening of this dam. It’s small enough not to offend anyone. It’s pleasantly tucked into the hill. But it services at least seventy farmers in the area. That’s seventy farms that won’t have to be sold because of drought and low productively.
The downstream effects on the communities around those farms are huge. Everyone benefits if these farms can keep producing. Jobs on farms are not lost. In fact more jobs are created. The increase in the local population means that schools stay open, banks and petrol stations continue to service the local area. And the environmentalists are happy because a small dam like this has positive effects on river flows. The natural environment is protected and the life of the river is sustained.
The alternative was a drought every five years which could mean farm closures and all the destruction and grief that closure causes families and communities.
Now the farmers serviced by the Waimea dam can expect a drought once in twenty years, which is survivable.
Most farmers can live with that.
What was most interesting was that the whole community supported the Waimea dam project. Because it was small, the environmental damage was virtually nil, so it was much easier to get different community groups on board with the project. Forest and Bird for example, and local institutions understood the importance of irrigation to farmers, and the difference storage of water could make. Keeping it small meant that they could support the project.
I believe this is a model for the whole of the Canterbury region.
Larger dam schemes are much harder to get buy-in from the community because the actual or perceived environmental effects are greater. Keep it small, and we have a chance to do something about water shortage.
I would rather see ten local dams built instead of one big one.
I’m pleased to see that our local mayors and chief executives are developing a Water Management Strategy that sets out a twenty year plan for water resources in Canterbury. I hope they look at the Waimea example and see the importance of storage. Sometimes the solutions are staring you in the face.
There is an alarming projection which shows that 3 billion people – half the world’s current population – could face a shortage of clean water by 2080 because of climate change. The amount of water needed by 2050 could be 50-90% higher than current use.
Farmers in Canterbury know about water shortage. In the seven years to 2006 there was a 49% increase in water allocated for irrigation in Canterbury. But the real issue for us in Canterbury is the storage of water. If we store it, we’ll have enough for everyone.
A great example of this is the Waimea dam in the Nelson region. I was there for the opening of this dam. It’s small enough not to offend anyone. It’s pleasantly tucked into the hill. But it services at least seventy farmers in the area. That’s seventy farms that won’t have to be sold because of drought and low productively.
The downstream effects on the communities around those farms are huge. Everyone benefits if these farms can keep producing. Jobs on farms are not lost. In fact more jobs are created. The increase in the local population means that schools stay open, banks and petrol stations continue to service the local area. And the environmentalists are happy because a small dam like this has positive effects on river flows. The natural environment is protected and the life of the river is sustained.
The alternative was a drought every five years which could mean farm closures and all the destruction and grief that closure causes families and communities.
Now the farmers serviced by the Waimea dam can expect a drought once in twenty years, which is survivable.
Most farmers can live with that.
What was most interesting was that the whole community supported the Waimea dam project. Because it was small, the environmental damage was virtually nil, so it was much easier to get different community groups on board with the project. Forest and Bird for example, and local institutions understood the importance of irrigation to farmers, and the difference storage of water could make. Keeping it small meant that they could support the project.
I believe this is a model for the whole of the Canterbury region.
Larger dam schemes are much harder to get buy-in from the community because the actual or perceived environmental effects are greater. Keep it small, and we have a chance to do something about water shortage.
I would rather see ten local dams built instead of one big one.
I’m pleased to see that our local mayors and chief executives are developing a Water Management Strategy that sets out a twenty year plan for water resources in Canterbury. I hope they look at the Waimea example and see the importance of storage. Sometimes the solutions are staring you in the face.
Comment on agriculture, August 2009
20/08/09 06:42
Comment for Canterbury Farmer August 09.
When new targets for reducing our carbon emissions were released, Federated Farmers said they remain concerned about the impact on farming and the wider economy.
It’s not hard to see why, considering the importance of farming to our economy.
If an international agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions is reached, it is likely to require that emissions targets are stricter for rich countries than for poor ones. Alone among developed countries, agriculture makes up a huge share of our total greenhouse gas emissions. Other economies that are dominated by agriculture are poor.
If our farmers have to pay for emissions while, their competitors in poor countries don’t, the hit on our economy will be substantial.
But there are other factors we need to consider.
Greenhouse gas emissions cause climate changes, and if no global agreement is reached to do something, climate change is likely to damage our agriculture.
Getting an agreement on climate change suits us, because no other developed country is as dependent on climate as we are. Just ask farmers who had to cope with long, crushing droughts in recent years whether climate change was good for their businesses.
I think this point is avoided by critics who talk about other developed countries leaving agriculture out of agreements, or who question climate change altogether. Their approach is not prudent - careful management requires that we manage risks, and climate change represents a big risk to New Zealand agriculture and therefore to our economy.
We have to do our bit if we are going to get the rest of the world to do theirs.
I heard our trade negotiations minister, Mr Groser, say that the government will be very cautious in climate change talks. We will follow other countries and we won’t try to set an example of best practice.
Mr Groser used to be one of our trade negotiators, and he argued exactly the opposite approach - when he talks about global free trade he talks about leading the world, setting a good example and being the purest of the pure. Now he wants a change of approach when it comes to climate change.
The inconsistency will cost us credibility.
Maybe Mr Groser doesn’t believe in climate change. But even if he doesn’t believe the science, it’s still bad for farming to hold out against the world.
We won’t get our competitors in India, China and Brazil to sign up to emissions agreements if we don’t pull our weight, and we won’t get consumers in rich countries to pay a premium for pure New Zealand food if they perceive us as dirty.
So on business grounds alone, we need to do our bit.
The best approach to reduce our total emissions would be more forestry planting, more research into technology that can help farmers reduce emissions, more renewable energy generation and energy conservation, better pubic transport and more use of biofuels.
That would take some pressure off farming businesses.
Unfortunately, farmers are being hung out to dry by decisions that have scaled back progress on all these fronts.
My worry is that the result will be that farmers eventually get dumped with all the costs of climate change, and none of the help they should have to deal with the costs.
When new targets for reducing our carbon emissions were released, Federated Farmers said they remain concerned about the impact on farming and the wider economy.
It’s not hard to see why, considering the importance of farming to our economy.
If an international agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions is reached, it is likely to require that emissions targets are stricter for rich countries than for poor ones. Alone among developed countries, agriculture makes up a huge share of our total greenhouse gas emissions. Other economies that are dominated by agriculture are poor.
If our farmers have to pay for emissions while, their competitors in poor countries don’t, the hit on our economy will be substantial.
But there are other factors we need to consider.
Greenhouse gas emissions cause climate changes, and if no global agreement is reached to do something, climate change is likely to damage our agriculture.
Getting an agreement on climate change suits us, because no other developed country is as dependent on climate as we are. Just ask farmers who had to cope with long, crushing droughts in recent years whether climate change was good for their businesses.
I think this point is avoided by critics who talk about other developed countries leaving agriculture out of agreements, or who question climate change altogether. Their approach is not prudent - careful management requires that we manage risks, and climate change represents a big risk to New Zealand agriculture and therefore to our economy.
We have to do our bit if we are going to get the rest of the world to do theirs.
I heard our trade negotiations minister, Mr Groser, say that the government will be very cautious in climate change talks. We will follow other countries and we won’t try to set an example of best practice.
Mr Groser used to be one of our trade negotiators, and he argued exactly the opposite approach - when he talks about global free trade he talks about leading the world, setting a good example and being the purest of the pure. Now he wants a change of approach when it comes to climate change.
The inconsistency will cost us credibility.
Maybe Mr Groser doesn’t believe in climate change. But even if he doesn’t believe the science, it’s still bad for farming to hold out against the world.
We won’t get our competitors in India, China and Brazil to sign up to emissions agreements if we don’t pull our weight, and we won’t get consumers in rich countries to pay a premium for pure New Zealand food if they perceive us as dirty.
So on business grounds alone, we need to do our bit.
The best approach to reduce our total emissions would be more forestry planting, more research into technology that can help farmers reduce emissions, more renewable energy generation and energy conservation, better pubic transport and more use of biofuels.
That would take some pressure off farming businesses.
Unfortunately, farmers are being hung out to dry by decisions that have scaled back progress on all these fronts.
My worry is that the result will be that farmers eventually get dumped with all the costs of climate change, and none of the help they should have to deal with the costs.
Comment on agriculture - June
22/06/09 11:40
Any nation which earns its living as an international commodities trader is going to be affected by what happens to purchasing power in our major markets.
It is true that that the New Zealand banking and finance sectors have not been in the business of offering ‘toxic loans’ like United States and European banks, but we have nevertheless experienced an overheated speculative housing boom.
That helps to put pressure on the productive sector. When speculators force up housing prices, interest rates go up, and then our dollar gets over-valued too. And no one is helped when a boom turns into a bust.
There are a couple of things we can do.
We can run the government’s finances in a way that smoothes the business cycle better. For example, the last government refused to over heat the economy by turning surpluses into deficits in the good times. This left us with one of the strongest sets of government accounts in the developed world. The other side of the coin is that we need to be ready to give the economy a push when international financial waves crash on our shores.
The worst thing we can do is make the crisis worse by tightening the government’s belt when private spending is already falling.
There is more we can do to help our selves. A backstop of local financial institutions, including Kiwibank, can pick up some slack.
And the other thing we have to do is invest in regional development and the strength of our most productive parts of the economy. In New Zealand, this means our primary sector.
When I was minister of economic development and then agriculture I saw regions that had been hammered by years of low or even negative growth. We got stuck in and within three years every region in New Zealand was in positive growth mode. As they grew, the jobs came back quickly, and communities grew far stronger.
It will be interesting to see if the current government can maintain that record. I do know however that they will not do it by building a bicycle lane or by cutting back on the working fortnight which are measures which cannot or will not increase either production or productivity.
I have been saying since National cancelled the two billion dollar NZ Fast Forward fund that I was looking forward to seeing how they replaced it. Unfortunately, they have replaced it with the largest cuts in science and research in New Zealand’s history.
While governments around the world are investing to make sure their economies come out of recession stronger, in this year’s Budget the National-led government cut as much out of science and research in the primary sector as it is investing in infrastructure.
The total value of primary sector science investment falls from $2 billion in the NZ Fast Forward Fund under the last government, to as little as $1.2 billion now. With matching private sector funding, the total investment in primary sector research and development is going to fall by $800 million, or about 0.4 per cent of GDP.
The government has not replaced a cent of the cancelled research and development tax credits and has cut innovation spending by more than the value of the personal tax cuts. This huge cut in science and research spells disaster for the future of New Zealand’s economy, especially in our highest export earner, the primary industries sector.
It is true that that the New Zealand banking and finance sectors have not been in the business of offering ‘toxic loans’ like United States and European banks, but we have nevertheless experienced an overheated speculative housing boom.
That helps to put pressure on the productive sector. When speculators force up housing prices, interest rates go up, and then our dollar gets over-valued too. And no one is helped when a boom turns into a bust.
There are a couple of things we can do.
We can run the government’s finances in a way that smoothes the business cycle better. For example, the last government refused to over heat the economy by turning surpluses into deficits in the good times. This left us with one of the strongest sets of government accounts in the developed world. The other side of the coin is that we need to be ready to give the economy a push when international financial waves crash on our shores.
The worst thing we can do is make the crisis worse by tightening the government’s belt when private spending is already falling.
There is more we can do to help our selves. A backstop of local financial institutions, including Kiwibank, can pick up some slack.
And the other thing we have to do is invest in regional development and the strength of our most productive parts of the economy. In New Zealand, this means our primary sector.
When I was minister of economic development and then agriculture I saw regions that had been hammered by years of low or even negative growth. We got stuck in and within three years every region in New Zealand was in positive growth mode. As they grew, the jobs came back quickly, and communities grew far stronger.
It will be interesting to see if the current government can maintain that record. I do know however that they will not do it by building a bicycle lane or by cutting back on the working fortnight which are measures which cannot or will not increase either production or productivity.
I have been saying since National cancelled the two billion dollar NZ Fast Forward fund that I was looking forward to seeing how they replaced it. Unfortunately, they have replaced it with the largest cuts in science and research in New Zealand’s history.
While governments around the world are investing to make sure their economies come out of recession stronger, in this year’s Budget the National-led government cut as much out of science and research in the primary sector as it is investing in infrastructure.
The total value of primary sector science investment falls from $2 billion in the NZ Fast Forward Fund under the last government, to as little as $1.2 billion now. With matching private sector funding, the total investment in primary sector research and development is going to fall by $800 million, or about 0.4 per cent of GDP.
The government has not replaced a cent of the cancelled research and development tax credits and has cut innovation spending by more than the value of the personal tax cuts. This huge cut in science and research spells disaster for the future of New Zealand’s economy, especially in our highest export earner, the primary industries sector.
Comment in Older & Bolder
12/06/09 12:00
The recent controversy over the appointment of Christine Rankin to the Families Commission has revealed the extent of an unwelcome intrusion of tabloid journalism into our media. But it has also failed to lead to the canvassing of significant issues which have nothing to do with Ms Rankin’s private life (which is her business) and which are to do with the whole subject of Crown entity appointment.
Most New Zealanders are blithely unaware that behind the structures of formal parliamentary democracy in New Zealand lies a comprehensive structure of Crown patronage under which literally thousands of appointments are made to statutory bodies each year. Ms Rankin’s appointment is just one of such, and a fairly minor one at that when compared to appointments to bodies such as SOEs and a wide range of Crown companies in fields such as energy and finance (Transpower, for example, or the Commerce Commission). These entities can and do make decisions daily affecting the lives of all New Zealanders but those making the decisions are virtually unknown to most New Zealanders.
The complexities of any modern state mean that no Minister can be expected to keep their finger on everything that happens within their portfolio, however constitutionally accountable they may be in theory, and require delegation, in some cases to specialists whose expertise is crucial to the continued operations of the government. But as the case of Ms Rankin shows the government of the day has more or less carte blanche to appoint whoever they want to many of the controlling boards involved without any structures for ensuring suitability or accountability. The surprising things is that, despite accusations to the contrary made from time to time, the Cabinet Committee members and officials involved do try to ensure as far as possible that politics does not enter into the matter and that those appointed are full credentialed for the job in hand.
It is only when an appointment is made to a body such as Families Commission – essentially a political creation for political reasons and thus open to potential for appointment for political reasons (this is sometimes referred to as ‘cronyism’ although there is no evidence of this in Ms Rankin’s case) that the danger of outright political appointments arises.
In theory there is an independent body which oversees many of these appointments, the Crown Company Appointments Advisory Unit (known to government insiders by its acronym CCMAU) but this unit is buried deep in the bowels of Treasury, is as unknown to most New Zealanders as the bodies it oversees, and is in any event well known in the same insider circles for its conservatism in the appointments it recommends.
Thanks to a review carried out partly at my instigation under the Clark government the criteria used by CCMAU in the recommendation of appointments were broadened to try and bring more on board of those from ethnic minorities, a broader geographical area, and in particular women, provided they also have the necessary credentials. This has made some difference but not enough. Ironically Ms Rankin’s appointment contributes to that outcome.
It seems to me that it is time that this was brought more fully into the open and a transparent and public system of nominations introduced. What a pity it was that the opportunity provided to do so by the Rankin and other appointments e.g. to the ACC, was stymied by the failure of our media to pursue the real issue.
Most New Zealanders are blithely unaware that behind the structures of formal parliamentary democracy in New Zealand lies a comprehensive structure of Crown patronage under which literally thousands of appointments are made to statutory bodies each year. Ms Rankin’s appointment is just one of such, and a fairly minor one at that when compared to appointments to bodies such as SOEs and a wide range of Crown companies in fields such as energy and finance (Transpower, for example, or the Commerce Commission). These entities can and do make decisions daily affecting the lives of all New Zealanders but those making the decisions are virtually unknown to most New Zealanders.
The complexities of any modern state mean that no Minister can be expected to keep their finger on everything that happens within their portfolio, however constitutionally accountable they may be in theory, and require delegation, in some cases to specialists whose expertise is crucial to the continued operations of the government. But as the case of Ms Rankin shows the government of the day has more or less carte blanche to appoint whoever they want to many of the controlling boards involved without any structures for ensuring suitability or accountability. The surprising things is that, despite accusations to the contrary made from time to time, the Cabinet Committee members and officials involved do try to ensure as far as possible that politics does not enter into the matter and that those appointed are full credentialed for the job in hand.
It is only when an appointment is made to a body such as Families Commission – essentially a political creation for political reasons and thus open to potential for appointment for political reasons (this is sometimes referred to as ‘cronyism’ although there is no evidence of this in Ms Rankin’s case) that the danger of outright political appointments arises.
In theory there is an independent body which oversees many of these appointments, the Crown Company Appointments Advisory Unit (known to government insiders by its acronym CCMAU) but this unit is buried deep in the bowels of Treasury, is as unknown to most New Zealanders as the bodies it oversees, and is in any event well known in the same insider circles for its conservatism in the appointments it recommends.
Thanks to a review carried out partly at my instigation under the Clark government the criteria used by CCMAU in the recommendation of appointments were broadened to try and bring more on board of those from ethnic minorities, a broader geographical area, and in particular women, provided they also have the necessary credentials. This has made some difference but not enough. Ironically Ms Rankin’s appointment contributes to that outcome.
It seems to me that it is time that this was brought more fully into the open and a transparent and public system of nominations introduced. What a pity it was that the opportunity provided to do so by the Rankin and other appointments e.g. to the ACC, was stymied by the failure of our media to pursue the real issue.
Comment on economics and the recession
21/05/09 12:37
Response to Daniel Silva's comments for Country-wide magazine
So Daniel Silva thinks that the current international recession isn’t going to affect New Zealand much. Well that’s all right then? Actually – no. He’s quite wrong to think so for two significant reasons quite aside from the fact that any nation which earns its living as an international commodities trader is going to be affected by what happens to purchasing power in our major markets.
The first of these reasons is that it’s perfectly true that the New Zealand banking and finance sectors have not to anything like the same extent been in the business of offering the sorts of ‘toxic loans’ that banks in the United States and Europe have been. That’s to say they have not been lending large sums of money on securities which are wholly inadequate to cover the loans, to people who can’t afford the repayments and then packaging the loans in ways that make it almost impossible to untangle the debt and which spread it far beyond the originating banks.
But we have nevertheless experienced an overheated speculative housing boom which has now come to an end. At the same time our financial securities market which, although it was re-regulated to an extent following the excesses of the nineteen eighties and nineties remains significantly less regulated than others in the OECD, has paid the price in an unprecedented series of finance company crashes.
All of this exacts a toll that leads to recessionary pressures which when coupled with the impact of the international recession means a significant downturn in our economic growth. Fortunately for the incoming government they have two major advantages to assist them in responding to this situation. The first is the healthy state of the New Zealand economy because of the prudent, some thought over conservative management, of the economy over the last nine years by Finance Minister Michael Cullen.
The irony of that is that had he followed the then advice of his successor Bill English and engaged in significant tax cutting three or four years ago the current Minister of Finance would be far less well placed to cope with recessionary pressures than he actually is. No doubt that irony is lost on Mr Silva.
The second is that there is the backstop of local financial institutions, including the Kiwibank, which are able to pick up a certain amount of the slack although they obviously don’t have the capacity of the major Australian banks which do business here and which we know are more significantly affected by the international downturn.
The second reason why Mr Silva is wrong is that we are already feeling the negative effects. It may be, of course, that he leads a very cloistered life and has not picked up on the reports of job losses which are beginning to come with increasing rapidity.
The unemployed stand at 115,000 for the quarter to March or 5% with more job losses reported daily and the Treasury reporting a possible high of more than 8%.
This compares very unfavourably with the figures for the past nine years which reached lows of just over 3%, a figure not seen for over two decades.
In another of life’s little ironies these unemployment rates were largely the result of the Labour-Progressive government’s emphasis on regional growth and development. Both as Minister of Economic Development and Agriculture I was intent on placing considerable emphasis on regional development to the extent that we inherited an economy in which many regions were in negative growth mode and within three years we had all regions growing at rates which had not been seen for decades in some cases.
We maintained this throughout our nine years in office and thereby provided a cushion against subsequent unemployment. It will be interesting to see if the current government can maintain that record. I do know however that they will not do it by building bicycle tracks or by cutting back on the working fortnight which are measures which are no more likely to resolve unemployment than similar schemes did in the Depression of the thirties. Nor will they do it by cutting public expenditure which didn’t work in the thirties either.
The other area in which the impact is being felt, but which is possibly outside the ken of Mr Silva, is in the voluntary sector in which many organisations rely upon charitable and community trusts and similar bodies to underwrite their activities, many of which are vital to the well being of our communities. These trusts, for very good reasons, have traditionally diversified their investments and in some cases had significant sums invested in overseas securities.
The Auckland Community Trust alone is reported as having suffered losses amounting to two billion dollars and has had to regretfully tell some of its long term beneficiaries that they can no longer be supported. The potential ripple effect of that sort of loss may be incalculable.
Mr Silva is, however, right about one thing. We won’t get through the current downturn by panicking. We need to keep our nerve and mange our way through the recession by continuing to invest in our future as an exporting nation. But hiding our head under the blankets and pretending it isn’t happening is not going to get us there.
So Daniel Silva thinks that the current international recession isn’t going to affect New Zealand much. Well that’s all right then? Actually – no. He’s quite wrong to think so for two significant reasons quite aside from the fact that any nation which earns its living as an international commodities trader is going to be affected by what happens to purchasing power in our major markets.
The first of these reasons is that it’s perfectly true that the New Zealand banking and finance sectors have not to anything like the same extent been in the business of offering the sorts of ‘toxic loans’ that banks in the United States and Europe have been. That’s to say they have not been lending large sums of money on securities which are wholly inadequate to cover the loans, to people who can’t afford the repayments and then packaging the loans in ways that make it almost impossible to untangle the debt and which spread it far beyond the originating banks.
But we have nevertheless experienced an overheated speculative housing boom which has now come to an end. At the same time our financial securities market which, although it was re-regulated to an extent following the excesses of the nineteen eighties and nineties remains significantly less regulated than others in the OECD, has paid the price in an unprecedented series of finance company crashes.
All of this exacts a toll that leads to recessionary pressures which when coupled with the impact of the international recession means a significant downturn in our economic growth. Fortunately for the incoming government they have two major advantages to assist them in responding to this situation. The first is the healthy state of the New Zealand economy because of the prudent, some thought over conservative management, of the economy over the last nine years by Finance Minister Michael Cullen.
The irony of that is that had he followed the then advice of his successor Bill English and engaged in significant tax cutting three or four years ago the current Minister of Finance would be far less well placed to cope with recessionary pressures than he actually is. No doubt that irony is lost on Mr Silva.
The second is that there is the backstop of local financial institutions, including the Kiwibank, which are able to pick up a certain amount of the slack although they obviously don’t have the capacity of the major Australian banks which do business here and which we know are more significantly affected by the international downturn.
The second reason why Mr Silva is wrong is that we are already feeling the negative effects. It may be, of course, that he leads a very cloistered life and has not picked up on the reports of job losses which are beginning to come with increasing rapidity.
The unemployed stand at 115,000 for the quarter to March or 5% with more job losses reported daily and the Treasury reporting a possible high of more than 8%.
This compares very unfavourably with the figures for the past nine years which reached lows of just over 3%, a figure not seen for over two decades.
In another of life’s little ironies these unemployment rates were largely the result of the Labour-Progressive government’s emphasis on regional growth and development. Both as Minister of Economic Development and Agriculture I was intent on placing considerable emphasis on regional development to the extent that we inherited an economy in which many regions were in negative growth mode and within three years we had all regions growing at rates which had not been seen for decades in some cases.
We maintained this throughout our nine years in office and thereby provided a cushion against subsequent unemployment. It will be interesting to see if the current government can maintain that record. I do know however that they will not do it by building bicycle tracks or by cutting back on the working fortnight which are measures which are no more likely to resolve unemployment than similar schemes did in the Depression of the thirties. Nor will they do it by cutting public expenditure which didn’t work in the thirties either.
The other area in which the impact is being felt, but which is possibly outside the ken of Mr Silva, is in the voluntary sector in which many organisations rely upon charitable and community trusts and similar bodies to underwrite their activities, many of which are vital to the well being of our communities. These trusts, for very good reasons, have traditionally diversified their investments and in some cases had significant sums invested in overseas securities.
The Auckland Community Trust alone is reported as having suffered losses amounting to two billion dollars and has had to regretfully tell some of its long term beneficiaries that they can no longer be supported. The potential ripple effect of that sort of loss may be incalculable.
Mr Silva is, however, right about one thing. We won’t get through the current downturn by panicking. We need to keep our nerve and mange our way through the recession by continuing to invest in our future as an exporting nation. But hiding our head under the blankets and pretending it isn’t happening is not going to get us there.
Comment on agriculture - May 2009
12/05/09 12:50
In Parliament this month hours and hours will be spent debating the future of Auckland. There are several bills going through – some under urgency, some going to select committee for hearing. My side of the House is arguing for a referendum on the final decision.
All this because the Auckland region is critically important to New Zealand’s future.
It says something about our priorities, though: As important as Auckland is, nothing that happens in the next twenty years is likely to make Auckland as important to our economic future as our primary industries are and have been for over 130 years.
Of course, our primary industries are in much better shape than Auckland – that’s one reason why they’re more important to New Zealand’s future
But we do need careful thought about where our farming is going, and how we need to prepare and to change.
The future is already here.
In developed countries, demand for our produce is affected by consumer concern about environmental and health issues, by concern about animal welfare, and calls to ‘buy local food.’
For example, a letter to the editor of the Economist magazine this month said this, “Given the burden on health from an inordinately meat-based diet, the contribution that beef production makes to climate change, and the extraordinary toxic soup of pesticides, steroids and antibiotics that are increasingly used in the production of meat, one assumes that societies around the world will choose a different path to ‘affluence’.”
Just about every statement in that letter is wrong – but its publication in one of the world’s most respected publications tells us that there are plenty of influential people in our markets who are worrying about this stuff.
Here in New Zealand, I know of so-called farmers markets where customers are urged to ‘support local farmers by buying local.’ Actually, if the world starts buying local food, we will have a lot to eat and not much to sell. I can’t see that would support our local farmers at all.
We need our farmers to be good enough to go global. We need the world’s consumers to be interested in buying our produce.
And we need to deal with other threats, like rising competition from emerging economic powers like China, India and Brazil.
Of course, as those economies and others like them grow wealthier, demand for protein is growing too.
If we are going to seize this opportunity and stay ahead of our competitors, we have to keep changing.
Decisions about the right marketing strategy for each producer are going to be made by individual businesses. But New Zealand branded product generally occupies a valuable niche of its own – and the more we can exploit our strong positioning, the better we can prosper. Our niche is to be a highly eco-conscious producer of high quality products.
We cannot compete on price alone, but we must be price competitive. Our advantage is not on low cost of inputs – not in a first world country far from our markets. Our price advantage will only be achieved by efficiencies that come through science and research.
When the world looks at our products we want New Zealand farming to represent quality, environmentally responsible and unique. This applies whether we are marketing to a bulk commodity buyer, a purchaser of ingredients, or a consumer of our high value finished products in the supermarket.
But it also means we have to broaden our business base to leverage the strength of our primary sector. Just as a European or Japanese company makes money when a New Zealander drinks New Zealand beer brewed and bottled in New Zealand, we need to own more businesses that clip the ticket in Europe and Asia when a consumer there tucks into locally manufactured meals.
That in turns means we have to adapt our industry structures. They have to be strong enough to thrive in the changing global market.
None of this is easy. All of it is crucial for New Zealand. It’s about time we spent as much energy working it out as we spend deciding on roads and councils in Auckland.
All this because the Auckland region is critically important to New Zealand’s future.
It says something about our priorities, though: As important as Auckland is, nothing that happens in the next twenty years is likely to make Auckland as important to our economic future as our primary industries are and have been for over 130 years.
Of course, our primary industries are in much better shape than Auckland – that’s one reason why they’re more important to New Zealand’s future
But we do need careful thought about where our farming is going, and how we need to prepare and to change.
The future is already here.
In developed countries, demand for our produce is affected by consumer concern about environmental and health issues, by concern about animal welfare, and calls to ‘buy local food.’
For example, a letter to the editor of the Economist magazine this month said this, “Given the burden on health from an inordinately meat-based diet, the contribution that beef production makes to climate change, and the extraordinary toxic soup of pesticides, steroids and antibiotics that are increasingly used in the production of meat, one assumes that societies around the world will choose a different path to ‘affluence’.”
Just about every statement in that letter is wrong – but its publication in one of the world’s most respected publications tells us that there are plenty of influential people in our markets who are worrying about this stuff.
Here in New Zealand, I know of so-called farmers markets where customers are urged to ‘support local farmers by buying local.’ Actually, if the world starts buying local food, we will have a lot to eat and not much to sell. I can’t see that would support our local farmers at all.
We need our farmers to be good enough to go global. We need the world’s consumers to be interested in buying our produce.
And we need to deal with other threats, like rising competition from emerging economic powers like China, India and Brazil.
Of course, as those economies and others like them grow wealthier, demand for protein is growing too.
If we are going to seize this opportunity and stay ahead of our competitors, we have to keep changing.
Decisions about the right marketing strategy for each producer are going to be made by individual businesses. But New Zealand branded product generally occupies a valuable niche of its own – and the more we can exploit our strong positioning, the better we can prosper. Our niche is to be a highly eco-conscious producer of high quality products.
We cannot compete on price alone, but we must be price competitive. Our advantage is not on low cost of inputs – not in a first world country far from our markets. Our price advantage will only be achieved by efficiencies that come through science and research.
When the world looks at our products we want New Zealand farming to represent quality, environmentally responsible and unique. This applies whether we are marketing to a bulk commodity buyer, a purchaser of ingredients, or a consumer of our high value finished products in the supermarket.
But it also means we have to broaden our business base to leverage the strength of our primary sector. Just as a European or Japanese company makes money when a New Zealander drinks New Zealand beer brewed and bottled in New Zealand, we need to own more businesses that clip the ticket in Europe and Asia when a consumer there tucks into locally manufactured meals.
That in turns means we have to adapt our industry structures. They have to be strong enough to thrive in the changing global market.
None of this is easy. All of it is crucial for New Zealand. It’s about time we spent as much energy working it out as we spend deciding on roads and councils in Auckland.
Comment on agriculture - March 2009
12/03/09 13:12
ACC costs are as significant for farmers as they are for any self-employed businessperson. Farming has its share of risk, so the premiums can be higher than in many industries.
I think ACC is far better for farmers than a personal liability scheme such as many overseas countries have. Imagine if farmers could be sued for personal injury to anyone who came on their land.
Currently the National government is getting ACC ready to be taken back to the failed system of the nineties, when businesspeople had to wade through bureaucracy to choose an ACC provider best suited to their needs.
Farmers should beware of a competitive ACC system. Costs are likely to rise far more for farmers than for others. It’s estimated that ACC levies for farmers would rise 250%. That’s three and a half times.
In 2004 the then-government of Australia got an independent report prepared on accident compensation costs over there. It found that levies in Australia’s competitive market were twice as expensive as those in New Zealand for the primary sector.
Not only that, but deadweight admin costs in New Zealand are about a third of the level in Australia.
There’s one thing even worse than higher levies – and that is not getting real coverage for your money.
When ACC is replaced by businesses competing with each other, one way they try to offer lower premiums is by reducing the amount they set aside to pay for claims that take a long time to show up.
This happened in Australia: when those claims finally started to come in, they didn’t have enough set aside. They couldn’t raise premiums to make up the shortfall because their customers would buy elsewhere. As a result, the business went under – and who was around to pick up the bill for the injured farmers who had paid their levies? Nobody. They had to pay all over again.
In the meantime, do you wonder what happened to the executives that ran the company into the ground? They probably got knighthoods. No wonder National wants to bring those back too.
A government that is fiddling around with taking ACC back to the failed policies of the nineties is a government that has its priorities wrong.
There is a global economic crisis underway. There is unprecedented risk and opportunity to our agricultural sector from the way our trading partners see climate change. Market opportunities and development of the rural economy at home are much more important than trying to find ways for insurance companies and money market dealers to make a dollar at the expense of farmers.
I think ACC is far better for farmers than a personal liability scheme such as many overseas countries have. Imagine if farmers could be sued for personal injury to anyone who came on their land.
Currently the National government is getting ACC ready to be taken back to the failed system of the nineties, when businesspeople had to wade through bureaucracy to choose an ACC provider best suited to their needs.
Farmers should beware of a competitive ACC system. Costs are likely to rise far more for farmers than for others. It’s estimated that ACC levies for farmers would rise 250%. That’s three and a half times.
In 2004 the then-government of Australia got an independent report prepared on accident compensation costs over there. It found that levies in Australia’s competitive market were twice as expensive as those in New Zealand for the primary sector.
Not only that, but deadweight admin costs in New Zealand are about a third of the level in Australia.
There’s one thing even worse than higher levies – and that is not getting real coverage for your money.
When ACC is replaced by businesses competing with each other, one way they try to offer lower premiums is by reducing the amount they set aside to pay for claims that take a long time to show up.
This happened in Australia: when those claims finally started to come in, they didn’t have enough set aside. They couldn’t raise premiums to make up the shortfall because their customers would buy elsewhere. As a result, the business went under – and who was around to pick up the bill for the injured farmers who had paid their levies? Nobody. They had to pay all over again.
In the meantime, do you wonder what happened to the executives that ran the company into the ground? They probably got knighthoods. No wonder National wants to bring those back too.
A government that is fiddling around with taking ACC back to the failed policies of the nineties is a government that has its priorities wrong.
There is a global economic crisis underway. There is unprecedented risk and opportunity to our agricultural sector from the way our trading partners see climate change. Market opportunities and development of the rural economy at home are much more important than trying to find ways for insurance companies and money market dealers to make a dollar at the expense of farmers.
Comment on agriculture
04/03/09 13:24
Response to Nelson-Marlborough Farming magazine
New Zealand exports around twenty billion dollars a year worth of food products. We import food products worth less than three billion dollars – a fraction of our exports.
That’s why I was disappointed to read a call in the February Nelson-Marlborough Farming for measures that would be seen in other countries as a form of protectionism against food imports. [“Kiwis are gobbling foreign food,” Page 6.]
We can argue to and fro all we like about whether mandatory country of origin labelling really is protectionism. But what is indisputable is that other countries perceive mandatory labelling as a protectionist measure.
It’s true some major markets require mandatory labelling - but we oppose them doing so. They do it to keep our products out. If we then impose mandatory country of origin labelling on them, we will have to drop our opposition to those countries doing it.
That will hurt our exports. It will hurt New Zealand farmers.
Our horticulture industry earns about $2.2 billion a year from exports - around half of its total turnover. That is a lot to put at risk from mandatory labelling.
Nor is horticulture being increasingly hurt as we import more from overseas - our horticulture exports have grown ten fold - ten-fold! - in the last twenty years.
I agree with people who say we can achieve a premium price by labelling our products New Zealand made. And there is absolutely nothing to stop that happening now. But we might risk that potential premium if we introduced a meaningless label like the one across the Tasman: “Made from Australian and imported products.” That is the labelling we would get if we brought in mandatory country of origin labelling for food.
I don’t share the aims of people who say we should be self-sufficient in our own food. We are good at growing dairy, meat and a huge range of horticultural products. We are not so good at growing rice and bananas. I cannot see the sense in shifting some of our farms from dairy to rice paddies. It makes much more sense to sell as much dairy as we can to the world and buy the rice we need with the proceeds - along with cars, fuel, computers and many other products that our food exports help us to buy.
Nor do I agree with those who say this policy amounts to the policy of the ‘hard capitalistic right,’ as I was accused of.
Agricultural protectionism punishes poor countries more than it punishes rich ones. If there is one thing I am against, it is poverty, and I support policies that reduce poverty. Opening up global agriculture will hugely benefit some of the world’s poorest people.
It so happens that promoting more trade in agriculture not only reduces poverty, it helps create a lot more jobs, higher incomes and more successful businesses here in New Zealand, too. I’m in favour of that as well.
A recent report showed trade barriers cost the average food grower in New Zealand $25,000 a year in income. Non-tariff trade barriers might cost even more. Once we start advocating for them here, we would be advocating for even greater penalties on our industry.
Market access is hard gained and easily lost. Our focus should be on growing ways to get our products into more countries - not on ways to keep other country’s products out.
New Zealand exports around twenty billion dollars a year worth of food products. We import food products worth less than three billion dollars – a fraction of our exports.
That’s why I was disappointed to read a call in the February Nelson-Marlborough Farming for measures that would be seen in other countries as a form of protectionism against food imports. [“Kiwis are gobbling foreign food,” Page 6.]
We can argue to and fro all we like about whether mandatory country of origin labelling really is protectionism. But what is indisputable is that other countries perceive mandatory labelling as a protectionist measure.
It’s true some major markets require mandatory labelling - but we oppose them doing so. They do it to keep our products out. If we then impose mandatory country of origin labelling on them, we will have to drop our opposition to those countries doing it.
That will hurt our exports. It will hurt New Zealand farmers.
Our horticulture industry earns about $2.2 billion a year from exports - around half of its total turnover. That is a lot to put at risk from mandatory labelling.
Nor is horticulture being increasingly hurt as we import more from overseas - our horticulture exports have grown ten fold - ten-fold! - in the last twenty years.
I agree with people who say we can achieve a premium price by labelling our products New Zealand made. And there is absolutely nothing to stop that happening now. But we might risk that potential premium if we introduced a meaningless label like the one across the Tasman: “Made from Australian and imported products.” That is the labelling we would get if we brought in mandatory country of origin labelling for food.
I don’t share the aims of people who say we should be self-sufficient in our own food. We are good at growing dairy, meat and a huge range of horticultural products. We are not so good at growing rice and bananas. I cannot see the sense in shifting some of our farms from dairy to rice paddies. It makes much more sense to sell as much dairy as we can to the world and buy the rice we need with the proceeds - along with cars, fuel, computers and many other products that our food exports help us to buy.
Nor do I agree with those who say this policy amounts to the policy of the ‘hard capitalistic right,’ as I was accused of.
Agricultural protectionism punishes poor countries more than it punishes rich ones. If there is one thing I am against, it is poverty, and I support policies that reduce poverty. Opening up global agriculture will hugely benefit some of the world’s poorest people.
It so happens that promoting more trade in agriculture not only reduces poverty, it helps create a lot more jobs, higher incomes and more successful businesses here in New Zealand, too. I’m in favour of that as well.
A recent report showed trade barriers cost the average food grower in New Zealand $25,000 a year in income. Non-tariff trade barriers might cost even more. Once we start advocating for them here, we would be advocating for even greater penalties on our industry.
Market access is hard gained and easily lost. Our focus should be on growing ways to get our products into more countries - not on ways to keep other country’s products out.
Comment on agriculture - February 2009
12/02/09 14:05
One of the first effects has been to reduce the value of our dollar. Eventually that will increase New Zealand dollar incomes, but in the short term it pushes up the cost of fuel. Imports of capital equipment cost more. The lower dollar provides some relief – especially in some of our most squeezed industries – but over the long haul a lower currency is no basis to build genuine long term prosperity.
At the same time that the dollar has been falling, commodity prices have also fallen. Consumers everywhere are closing their wallets. Businesses are reducing inventory and holding back from introducing new product lines. So the prices we can achieve for some of our staple exports are falling. I’m confident about our primary exports in the long haul, but in the near future, times will still be tough.
Panicked politicians and activists in some areas are becoming more protectionist. Even the celebrity cook, Jamie Oliver, is calling on British consumers to boycott meat that isn’t “local”.
For producers like farmers and other agri-businesses, credit is tightening. Though interest rates are coming down, banks and other lenders are much more conservative. (Some of them needed to be.) I’ve read of businesses finding it hard to get letters of credit. Who is interested in letters of credit from banks that might be gone by the time products are landed on foreign wharves? So producers are faced with the grim risk of putting their goods on ships with no guarantee they will be paid.
We can’t change the world economy but we can support our own businesses to position themselves during this downturn and to emerge even stronger when world economic growth turns up again. For example, more government investment in research and development at this time would ensure we don’t lose ground when farmers themselves are under pressure over costs. The two billion dollar New Zealand Fast Forward fund to invest in the future of our primary industries would have helped strengthen the economy. But the National government has made a priority out of scrapping it.
When the National Government unveiled a business tax package recently, I looked closely to see what would be there for our farmers and to invest in the future. Unfortunately, against a backdrop of global cataclysm, there wasn’t much. For example, there was a small rule change to make Disputes Tribunal claims easier, but I wonder how many farms that is going to make a difference to.
The $120 million a year of new spending in the package gives back less than a third of the increased tax on innovation that the National Government introduced under urgency just before Christmas, when they cancelled the Labour-Progressive government’s tax rebate for spending on research and development.
Words like ‘farm’, agriculture’ or even ‘exports’ weren’t mentioned in the business tax package. Our primary industries make up two thirds of our export earnings, and they didn’t get anything in the business tax package. When John Key wrote the Speech from the Throne, agriculture didn’t get a mention then, either. I wonder if the money market dealers running the National Government even realise that farms are businesses.
If we are going to weather the global economic crisis we need to strengthen our agricultural sector.
Small policies that tinker round the edge won’t do it.
At the same time that the dollar has been falling, commodity prices have also fallen. Consumers everywhere are closing their wallets. Businesses are reducing inventory and holding back from introducing new product lines. So the prices we can achieve for some of our staple exports are falling. I’m confident about our primary exports in the long haul, but in the near future, times will still be tough.
Panicked politicians and activists in some areas are becoming more protectionist. Even the celebrity cook, Jamie Oliver, is calling on British consumers to boycott meat that isn’t “local”.
For producers like farmers and other agri-businesses, credit is tightening. Though interest rates are coming down, banks and other lenders are much more conservative. (Some of them needed to be.) I’ve read of businesses finding it hard to get letters of credit. Who is interested in letters of credit from banks that might be gone by the time products are landed on foreign wharves? So producers are faced with the grim risk of putting their goods on ships with no guarantee they will be paid.
We can’t change the world economy but we can support our own businesses to position themselves during this downturn and to emerge even stronger when world economic growth turns up again. For example, more government investment in research and development at this time would ensure we don’t lose ground when farmers themselves are under pressure over costs. The two billion dollar New Zealand Fast Forward fund to invest in the future of our primary industries would have helped strengthen the economy. But the National government has made a priority out of scrapping it.
When the National Government unveiled a business tax package recently, I looked closely to see what would be there for our farmers and to invest in the future. Unfortunately, against a backdrop of global cataclysm, there wasn’t much. For example, there was a small rule change to make Disputes Tribunal claims easier, but I wonder how many farms that is going to make a difference to.
The $120 million a year of new spending in the package gives back less than a third of the increased tax on innovation that the National Government introduced under urgency just before Christmas, when they cancelled the Labour-Progressive government’s tax rebate for spending on research and development.
Words like ‘farm’, agriculture’ or even ‘exports’ weren’t mentioned in the business tax package. Our primary industries make up two thirds of our export earnings, and they didn’t get anything in the business tax package. When John Key wrote the Speech from the Throne, agriculture didn’t get a mention then, either. I wonder if the money market dealers running the National Government even realise that farms are businesses.
If we are going to weather the global economic crisis we need to strengthen our agricultural sector.
Small policies that tinker round the edge won’t do it.